The present paper surveys predicational and sentential positions of the interrogative particles (Q-clitics) in various modern Turkic languages. In nominal predicates, the following patterns have been found: (1) the medial position, where the Q-clitic precedes the enclitic person-number markers or copular markers; (2) the final position, where the Q-clitic follows the person-number markers or copular markers. Regarding sentential positions, the patterns that have been found are as follows: (1) the interrogative clitic can freely move around the sentence, and attach to the focused constituent; (2) the clitic has a fixed position after the predicate. In each case, the second pattern appears to be typical in Central Asian Turkic languages. lt will be shown that in such languages, rather than being marked by the Q-clitic, the focused constituent is just brought to pre-predicative position with accompanying suprasegmental features. A further pattern found in interrogative clauses is characterized by absence of a morphosyntactic element. Interrogation realized without a Q-clitic and just by distinctive interrogative intonation is a contact-induced phenomenon in Turkic.